Israel’s Persian spokesperson: ‘Sometimes, words are more important than missiles’ - interview

Benni Sabti, 52, was born in Tehran seven years before the 1979 Islamic revolution. “I remember it as being very violent; ”the country completely changed and lost its so-called ‘secular’ character – though it was never intrinsically secular to start with,” Sabti told The Jerusalem Post.

“It all happened during a very formative phase [for me]. It’s an age when you want to grow and flourish, but the regime just won’t let you. They want you to be a ‘robot of the regime.’”

He was only 15 when he fled Iran with his family. “For almost eight years, we suffered from persecution and antisemitism, which was bubbling under the surface for a long time but then exploded.” Sabti argued that the chants by Iranian leaders calling “death to Israel” – and the regime’s missile project and nuclear program – all stem from antisemitism.

After suffering much persecution and harassment, Sabti and his family fled Iran by foot, arriving in Israel through Europe.

Three years later, he enlisted in the IDF in the Intelligence Corps and was in the Iranian field for years. When he was released, he set foot in the academic world, with similar interests.

He also helped establish the IDF Spokesperson Unit’s Persian department. “At first, we were only posting content on social media platforms, but today you see faces. Iranians must get to know us so that they understand our mindset and our needs; the Jewish people’s need for a state. Iran has existed for 2,500 years; they hardly understand what we are fighting for. Many Iranians are eager to hear about Israel in Persian – in their own language.”

Nowadays, Sabti is a researcher in the Iran program at the Institute for National Security Studies (INSS) think-tank. Lately, he has been serving as the government’s spokesperson in Persian.

“Sometimes words are more important than deeds, missiles and iron,” he said. “If we understand the other side, their weaknesses, what bothers them and influences them – we can influence them to put down their weapons and shift to dialogue.”

Even before taking the position, Sabti was interviewed regularly by Iranian expatriate networks. “The regime itself admits that 70-75% of the Iranian public watches the expatriate channels, including on social media, rather than the Iranian regime’s outlets,” he revealed. “Few watch the regime’s channels. There are some laughable pictures of government employees’ residences with satellite dishes on the balconies – meaning, even the government employees watch foreign channels.”

What is the difference between speaking for the IDF, versus the government?

“Military talk is more about dry, technical things: exposés, armament transfers. It’s very concrete, dry, and informative. It’s all important, but from what I’ve seen, Iranians want to be exposed to the ‘spirit’ behind things, and that’s where we come in,” he explained.

“Turning to Iranian citizens over the heads of their leaders, we talk about – sometimes only hint at – Israeli democracy, decision-making under a truly representative government, relations with the US and the West, and the perks of a political debate that is not a zero-sum game; the importance of criticism and diversity, which allows us to become better.

“We also talk about the Israeli economy and our hi-tech sector, all in contrast to the Iranian daily situation, where prices rise and the regime becomes more radical every election cycle.

“We also make a point to stress that the Iranians’ well-deserved money is taken away from them by the regime and transferred to terrorist proxies, which infuriates and frustrates their leaders,” he said.

What are some unique characteristics of speaking as an Israeli to an Iranian audience?

“One interesting point is that many in Iran see us in themselves. For them, every TV channel and radio station belongs to and represents the regime, which is why it’s important to consider words carefully. To Iranians, you represent Israel; you must respect them and be careful with how you phrase your messages.”

Sabti told of how several years ago, he proposed to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu that he should address Iranian citizens directly, and he even wrote the texts, which “addressed problems facing Iranians: He explained how Israel could help with their water problem, and spoke about a free Iran that would be more advanced. There was one video where Netanyahu mentioned poverty in Iran compared to Israel, which went viral.”

Other successful videos include a blessing by President Isaac Herzog for Iranian New Year’s Day, which made a big mark as well. “These videos shocked the regime for a while. Even today, we get comments calling for our victory in the war and asking for help in bringing about regime change,” Sabti said.

“Iranians know what their troubles are. The difference is, you’re giving them a reason to hope.”

Sabti also has some more ideas up his sleeve. “Iranians, myself included, adore medieval poetry. Renowned Iranian poet Hafez talks about rebellion against tyranny; I believe it would be great to see an Israeli outlet rely on these sources. We’re also working on a podcast featuring interviews in Persian,” he revealed.

Winds of change

The attitudes inside Tehran have changed. “Today, antisemitism originates almost exclusively from the regime. The pro-Hamas demonstrations are pushed by the regime itself – but the public is mostly not with them,” Sabti said.

“At the start of the revolution, many were antisemitic, but the failure of the revolution and the totalitarian dictatorship it brought upon Iran led to a reversal and a rejection of antisemitism. Today, 50% of Iranians say that they are not hostile to Israel and even sympathize with it – and those are only the ones who dare to speak,” he stressed.

“After the Iran-Iraq war, an understanding began to brew that the revolution did not materialize or deliver on its promises, and a process of rejecting the messages of the revolution slowly began,” the Persian spokesman said.

“When the internet came in, Iranians began to see Israel. Iranians began to understand that Israelis don’t have horns and that Israel is a mixed society – much like Iran used to be. They also found Israeli artists of Iranian origin, such as Rita and Liraz Charhi, who sing Iranian songs or collaborate with other well-known Iranian singers in exile.”

Sabti said that these past two years, especially the massive Hijab protests in the Islamic Republic, brought to the forefront young Iranians looking for something else. “Around 80% of Iranians today are young. Most of them want a different voice, an open economy, and a more open society,” he explained: “And Israel is seen as a model.”

Sabti had served as a consultant for the award-winning KAN series, Tehran. “Iranians were thrilled. Episodes came out in the evening – and the following morning they were already circulating on social media with Persian subtitles. Iranians are looking for a bridge with Israel,” he said.

“Talking to people face to face does make a difference, but the most important thing is that, shortly, we must pay attention to the regime and what it plans to do,” Sabti explained.

“This is a violent, hateful regime. Only last week, a report showed that Iran ranks first in the globe in executions. They send their tentacles to the US and Europe, organize demonstrations, and attempt to carry out violent acts. These protests are directed against American and European symbols, not just Israeli ones. Protesters shout, ‘Death to America,’ and occasionally ‘Death to Germany’ or ‘Death to France’ as well,” he said.

“We need to push the West to stand up to Iran: not to give the regime any privileges or lift sanctions at our expense – this money translates very quickly into Hezbollah missiles,” he warned.

“We must support Iranian youth. They are not in this game, they do not want the regime; they want freedom and happiness – Israel’s only friends in the Middle East are the Iranian people. We must open our eyes and see who the enemy is.”