Populism won't help Israel's war against Hamas, but can make it worse - opinion

In recent years, there has been a deepening global trend toward populist politics. Boris Johnson in the UK and Donald Trump in the US have epitomized this in the Anglo-Saxon democracies. One of the core tenets of populism is its focus on enemies of the people. Enemies from without or those from within. Israel’s civilian response to the October 7 atrocities is linked to one aspect of this political phenomenon, undermining the professional civil service. For our long-term future, this must be radically changed.

Global populism vs global elites

Israel, along with parts of the Western world, is struggling with a counterculture that no longer respects professionalism in political leadership, sees deep-state conspiracy whenever politicians are stymied, and is in the midst of a culture war against elites. 

“The People versus the elite” lies at the core of this modern populism. It pits one part of the people against others, rather than being a reflection of the people’s will as is often claimed. Writer and former UK government minister Rory Stewart has described it as “the idea of power being given to a group that calls itself the people at the expense of minority rights and therefore it’s profoundly undemocratic.”

Populist politics sets the people against the institutions of state. This is because these institutions are controlled by amorphous elites, and the populist frames “them” (elites) on one side and “us” (the people) on the other. 

Indeed, in some populist regimes, the dilution of the civil service is a precursor to more corruption and the unbridling of power concentrated in ever-decreasing circles. Nowhere has this been more on display than the UK’s turbulent populist Brexit campaign and its multiple aftershocks. Five prime ministers in almost as many years with multiple resignations and sackings of senior civil servants during that time. An almost constant state of chaos and scandal.

In Israel, populist rhetoric has been directed against the judiciary, media, and military, framed as non-elected elites abusing their power and blocking the will of the people. In the US it is described as a fight to drain the swamp. 

One aspect of this culture war, is the way government institutions are run. From a more classic model of civil service appointees and professional bureaucrats, we have shifted to a political culture that rewards political loyalty. Populism thrives on denigrating the somewhat gray back-room professionals who advise on government policy, whether economic, military, or otherwise, and promote ministerial or professional appointments that draw from friends and political circles without much consideration of talent or relevant experience. 

Homefront response to Swords of Iron

Following the catastrophe of the heinous Simchat Torah attack by Hamas, Israeli citizens are watching as their government stumbles through the civilian response. There are many examples, but two are enough to show the pattern.

In peacetime and in particular, during times of crisis, the director-general of the Prime Minister’s Office acts as the CEO of the CEO. His function is to coordinate the work of all government ministries. In his only – and particularly poor interview on Channel 12 – he revealed much about the government’s slow response. 

His lack of answers and ability to describe how the government was responding, revealed what to many was evident through their experience of the war. Since that interview much has been written about his background, skill set, and experience that would qualify him for the role, and there would seem to be a huge gap. Ultimately, he was appointed as a political ally of the prime minister.

At the end of the second week of the war, and as a precautionary measure against escalation of hostilities with Hezbollah, the government decided to evacuate residents from Kiryat Shmona, the largest of the cities in the Northern Galil. During a series of radio interviews two days later, it became obvious that having made the decision, the evacuation had started with the knowledge that the Ministry of Tourism had only about 25%-30% of the rooms required. 

One of the Kiryat Shmona residents interviewed, complained that he left the city with his family to Tel Aviv, to the hotel that he was assigned, only to be told there was no room. He was heading back to Kiryat Shmona, expressing that he felt humiliated by the whole saga. The minister responsible was then interviewed, and his first comment was to blame the failure on the city council of Kiryat Shmona. 

One may ask why this is happening. The simplest answer was given by a government minister who, in a radio interview some months ago with Kann, candidly remarked that he sees his role as minister to appoint friends to senior government roles. Apparently, it’s not a bug but a feature. He succinctly described what happens when populism replaces serious and professional government administration. 

The current State Comptroller, whose job is to act as an external auditor to the function of government, has a reputation for not making public statements, and in particular not to comment on “live” situations. Addressing the press during a visit to the northern border towns on the 22nd, he made a series of comments that, relative to his usual cautious tone, were highly negative: “The picture from the field is problematic and reflects significant gaps. The government’s actions in recent days are not enough. It’s a wake-up call from the prime minister.” 

A week later during a visit to evacuees in Tiberias, he repeated the criticism. Addressing the government, he said, “You have failed in the treatment of the homefront.” He is very concerned the key appointments are affected by political power struggles, and not the right person for the job.

ACROSS WESTERN democracies, disenfranchised electors are turning to populist leaders who are offering simple solutions to their problems. However, the rise of populism does not offer serious solutions to the real challenges that exist across the world, but a band-aid that carries the risk of future chaos.

I have chosen not to name the officials or ministers in this article, because the point is not to make personal attacks on specific politicians, but to emphasize that populism is not the way to solve Israel’s, or any country’s, most serious challenges. 

At best, they give a sugar rush; at worst, they deepen the problem, leading to even greater disappointment in democratic politics. And from the current lows, fueled by out-of-control social networks and irresponsible, power-hungry politicians, the situation could get even worse. 

There is no need to wait until the war is over to make the change. The government must appoint the best professionals across our civil service, especially the key roles related to the emergency response and the massive rebuild and rehabilitation that lies ahead. The terrible sacrifices of Simchat Torah will be for nothing if we don’t learn the lesson, and quickly.

The writer is a founding partner of Goldrock Capital and the founder of The Institute for Jewish and Zionist Research. He is a former chair of Gesher, World Bnei Akiva, and the Coalition for Haredi Employment.