Israeli politics need a new centrist vision - opinion

Democracies around the world are struggling with a dive towards post-liberal politics and, in some cases, even finding that their democratic institutions are under threat. 

There are many reasons and commentary as to the root cause, but one of the most pernicious trends in modern politics is the politics of identity. Your ethnic, religious, sexual, or other identity defines your political views. Indeed, without considering the issue on its merits, one’s view will have been decided by understanding which camp one belongs to. 

Breaking the lines of identity politics

If Israel wants a genuine restart, with a Zionist vision that can carry its society into a new era after the war with Hamas, then it must find ways to break the lines of identity politics and instead, identify political objectives around new alliances and solutions that defeat the pre-October 7 “us vs them” thinking. 

Given that rebuilding the country comprises multiple challenges, enough opportunities will present themselves to our national leaders to allow for new political paradigms and leaving behind much of the historic tension that boiled over in the last year.

Identity politics has replaced class politics and ostensibly become the dominant feature of left-wing and particularly progressive politics. However, in a political response, adopting a counter-cultural political identity has now become the norm with conservative groups. On one side, the universal values of equality and globalism and on the other, religious or nationalist ideas. 

On one hand, the intersection of politics of oppression and colonialism and on the other, the politics of exceptionalism and particularism.

Polarization across Western Society 

Although the nuance is different in each country, the polarization is felt in almost all Western democracies. 

The damage to politics is twofold. There is no longer the opportunity to look at each problem on its merits. This also means that even good political ideas will be vetoed because of who proposes them, and not whether or not they are good ideas. 

A corollary is that politics descends into an us vs them dynamic, pushing each side into its social-media-driven bubbles, dedicated news channels (for each camp), and to the very edges of politics. Instead of the Center being fought over by both sides, the opposite occurs – with the polar edges becoming the destination point. 

In Israel, Left and Right have largely split off into political identities. Although some of this feels very local, it parallels much of the global trend in politics. October 7 has given us a respite from toxic public discourse. The current atmosphere of unity just manages to cover over political and social tensions bubbling under the surface, but pre-October 7 dividing lines may easily reemerge, and if they do, the recovery will be much more difficult.

Is the Center of Israeli politics the solution? If the opinion polls are to be believed, in the aftermath of the current war there will be a shift of power toward the Center. 

Benny Gantz has captured the hearts of many by taking the critical decision to join the prime minister and defense minister in forming a war cabinet. 

He would, however, be mistaken if he thinks this is going to be enough – even if this would appear to signal a break toward the Center. 

Without significant political leadership, it may become a blip, rather than break the mold. His party needs to do more than just ride the wave of solidarity driven by the partial unity government that he is helping to lead. Gantz and his party have to present a vision for Israel in 2030.

Building a new centrist vision for Israel

Ultimately, it will be impossible to dodge the thorniest of Israel’s political questions. But there are several areas that Gantz can focus on, that will provide a solid foundation for building a new centrist vision. 

Obviously, the first step will be a security-first approach. Every Israeli citizen expects focus and expertise regarding security issues. Whether they are residents of the Gaza border communities; of the Northern towns and cities within range of Hezbollah; or settlers in Judea and Samaria, this will be key to building trust and will require more open and transparent communication and a clearer presentation of Israel’s strategy and its vision for security.

Security: In the years to come, there will be no greater Zionist mission than restoring life in Be’eri, Nir Oz, Ofakim, and all the Gaza border communities. Additionally, although the trauma is different, restoring communities on our Northern border is of no less importance.

Residents should not return with hunched shoulders and fallen crests, but with raised heads and pride. In order to achieve this, the country will have to massively invest and prioritize.

Mental health: Community resilience can and should be a priority for the post-war government. At a certain level, the entire country has experienced trauma. 

The Hamas invasion has resulted in national feelings of defilement. While the whole country will not end up in post-trauma, using community resilience to defend against it will have the double benefit of improving the state of the nation’s mental health (badly in need of investment even before the war) and promoting communities from the bottom up. 

Local power: Divesting power from central to community and local government will build social capital and take the strain off already stressed government ministries. Reducing the power of the State following its catastrophic response to the Hamas threat and the weeks that followed will enhance public confidence in the system. 

It is the citizenry who have shown grit, heroism, and the ability to suffer blow after blow. They ought to be trusted with more responsibility over their lives.

Honesty: Israelis have earned the right to have their leaders treat them like adults. They want the truth about the importance of their country’s strategic relations with the US and other Western nations; the truth about the long-term possibilities of peace with neighbors and other Arab or Muslim countries; and the truth about what it will take to keep Israel’s economy going – and where the strategic threats and opportunities lie.

Professionalism: No more political appointees in public service. Best practice and fiscal prudence over “jobs for the boys” and sectoral economics. The government needs to focus its attention on the core services of education, health, and welfare. 

Reshaping and resizing the government will release resources and restore public faith. A drive to recruit some of the amazing young people who served heroically in Gaza to public service will definitely be popular. 

If there is one community that will ride high post-war, it will be soldiers and officers who risked all, for months, to defend the country. They will demand change and they have the qualities to lead it.

These are just a few suggestions that need not break along classic political identities. There remain many historically thorny issues around education, borders, and conflicts, state and religion, and of course, the balance between the branches of government, but these can only be tabled once the toxic politics of identity are moderated by a new faith in the system of government itself.

The writer,  a founding partner of  Goldrock Capital, is the founder of The Institute for Jewish and Zionist Research. He is a former chair of Gesher, World Bnei Akiva, and the Coalition for Haredi Employment.