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The Jerusalem Post

Israel's often offered peace, always rejected by the Arab world - opinion

 
 A MAN adjusts a billboard with pictures of former president Gamal Abdel Nasser, in Cairo, July 2002, the 50th anniversary of the revolution when the Free Officers, led by Nasser, seized power from the monarchy. (photo credit: Aladin Abdel Naby/Reuters)
A MAN adjusts a billboard with pictures of former president Gamal Abdel Nasser, in Cairo, July 2002, the 50th anniversary of the revolution when the Free Officers, led by Nasser, seized power from the monarchy.
(photo credit: Aladin Abdel Naby/Reuters)

A look into some of the many peace opportunities that were available and were shattered by absolute Arab rejection.

I have been writing opinion articles for various Israeli websites and newspapers for quite some time, but never have I faced such accusations of betrayal and excommunication as I did after publishing my previous article, “Islamist Delusions: Hidden Truths Behind the Arab-Israeli Conflict,” I received dozens of threatening and intimidating messages privately right after sharing the article on my social media accounts.

But it doesn’t matter, and I won’t pay attention to it. I always keep in mind the words of the British philosopher John Stuart Mill about the burden of awareness: “The difficulty of awareness lies in its ability to expose the false convictions and mental biases we may have. It takes courage to face the facts and change perspectives.” From this standpoint, I continue what I started in my previous article.

In that article, I reviewed the actions of Amin al-Husseini, Mufti of Jerusalem and President of the Supreme Muslim Council, when he allied with Hitler after the Arab side rejected the British Peel Commission Report, one of the most significant peace opportunities that the Arabs deliberately squandered, leaving the conflict to continue.

Now, I will continue to outline some of the many peace opportunities that were available and were shattered by absolute Arab rejection.

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 Ben-Gurion Peace Plan of 1946

This plan included three main ideas. The first idea proposed declaring the area under British control on the eastern side of the Jordan River – now the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan – as a neutral zone forever. The second and third ideas aimed at establishing two independent states and making the holy sites international properties, with Jerusalem being part of a comprehensive settlement concerning all the holy places.

Knesset exhibit: David Ben-Gurion 1954 (credit: KNESSET)
Knesset exhibit: David Ben-Gurion 1954 (credit: KNESSET)

 The 1947 Labor Party Proposal

In late April 1947, the Israeli Labor Party, as a Jewish opposition party, presented a proposal to resolve the Palestinian issue. It stated that the Jewish Agency is the official representative of the Jewish people and found that the ideal solution would be a binational state with shared institutions for both Arabs and Jews.

The Arab world also rejected the Partition Plan issued on November 29, 1947, demonizing it as if it were a grand conspiracy against them by the world’s nations, choosing war instead. This war indeed broke out on May 15, 1948, resulting in a devastating defeat for them. This defeat led to the forced expulsion of Jewish Arab citizens from their original countries. Mafia-like methods were employed to force them to leave. Describing this matter would require many volumes, not just a few books and articles.

They continued the cycle of rejection, as if it had become a chronic disease, and they refused the following peace initiatives:


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Moshe Sharett’s Plan of 1956

During his visit to Washington in 1956 close to the end of his Israeli presidency, Moshe Sharett held talks with US secretary of state John Dulles, and presented a proposal to resolve the Arab-Israeli conflict. His proposal included Israel’s approval of mutual adjustments, its readiness to raise the necessary funds to compensate Palestinian refugees, its acceptance of a US loan to help resettle and house the refugees, and Israel’s acceptance of the Jordan River development project. This excellent project was deliberately sabotaged by Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser, as detailed by the late writer and thinker Amin Mahdi in his book The Arab-Israeli Conflict: The Crisis of Democracy and Peace.

Moshe Dayan’s Plan of 1959

In this plan, Dayan, then the minister of agriculture under David Ben-Gurion, proposed the idea of a confederation with Jordan, suggesting that this union could eventually include Lebanon in a third stage.

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Levi Eshkol’s Response to Tunisian President Bourguiba’s Initiative in 1965

 Prime Minister Levi Eshkol proposed a peaceful settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict during a speech in the Israeli Knesset. His plan was based on the status quo of Israel, except for some minor adjustments at certain points along the borders. To be fair, President Bourguiba was a man of peace, but he was punished for this proposal by the majority of Arab leaders through a systematic campaign to tarnish his image for deviating from their inhumane approach.

Uri Avnery Plan of 1967

Nasser instigated the 1967 Six Day War to resolve the conflict he had with his defense minister, field marshal Abdel Hakim Amer, and his group. Nasser fabricated many lies to justify his desire to fight Israel. The biggest was his claim that Israel wanted to attack Syria, which was proven by undeniable evidence to be pure nonsense and fabrication.

As usual, the Arab states that participated in the war suffered a humiliating defeat (with Israel expanding its territory). Despite Israel’s sweeping victory, everyone was surprised by the “Uri Avnery Plan.”

On the fifth day of the war, Knesset member Avnery proposed this plan to the Israeli government, which called for a public referendum among the residents of the Gaza Strip and the West Bank regarding their future in a democratic manner. The referendum would revolve around the establishment of a Palestinian state comprising the West Bank and Gaza Strip or joining a federal union with Israel. The third option was to return the occupied territories to Jordan.

Yigal Allon’s Plan of 1967

On July 13, 1967, labor minister Yigal Allon proposed a plan to his government concerning the West Bank and Gaza Strip, insisting that Israel’s eastern boundary should be the Jordan River, with a line extending across the Dead Sea. He also proposed dividing the autonomous regions into three areas: Samaria, Judea, and Gaza, and resolving the refugee issue based on regional cooperation with international assistance.

Abba Eban’s Plan of 1968

On October 8, 1968, Abba Eban, then Israel’s foreign minister, presented a proposal before the United Nations General Assembly. In his proposal, he declared that his government intended to make new efforts to resolve the Arab-Israeli conflict and establish peace in the region. His plan included nine points aimed at achieving a just and comprehensive peace. This remarkable man, who famously said, “The Arabs never miss an opportunity to miss a peace opportunity,” was indeed an extraordinary figure.

Mapam Peace Project of 1969

On December 11, 1969, the Mapam Party endorsed a new project, which included several provisions supporting Israel’s political solution based on two independent and sovereign states: Israel on one side and an Arab state on the other. The project called for a comprehensive political settlement.

Golda Meir’s Plan of 1971

On February 9, 1971, Israeli prime minister Golda Meir delivered a statement before the Israeli Knesset, in which she rejected the partial settlement proposal – Arab peace with Israel in exchange for Israel’s withdrawal from Sinai – put forth by Egyptian president Anwar Sadat. She subsequently presented a counter-proposal, published in the London Times.

THE EXAMPLES I mention leave no doubt about the desire for peace of Israel’s political leaders and their efforts to achieve it through all possible means.

What we are now reaping at the hands of Iran and its disruptive arms in the region (Hamas, Hezbollah, the Houthis, Islamic Jihad, and similar groups) has roots and is not the result of coincidence. To move beyond our current situation toward a more humane and peaceful future, we must understand and openly discuss everything that has happened in the past without any redlines or restrictions of any kind.

(I’ll conclude with this for now and continue in the third and final article of this series.)

The writer is a political analyst specializing in Middle East affairs and Islamic movements, an opinion writer and a member of the Swedish PEN Association. He lives in Lund, Sweden.

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