2024 was undoubtedly a historic election year - opinion

Earlier this year, the British newspaper Financial Times published a series of articles titled “Democracy 2024.” This special publication featured a collection of articles authored by distinguished women in the realms of politics and academia. In their introduction, the editors forecast that 2024 will be remembered as “a historic election year,” a time when “more than half the global population is potentially voting in elections.” 

Among the series of articles, I particularly liked the one by Kaja Kallas, who served as prime minister of Estonia until mid-2024. She writes: “We cannot take democracy for granted... We must show willingness to take every measure to protect our democracies. And sometimes you also need to fight for that.” With Donald Trump now elected president of the United States, likely neither the Financial Times nor Kaja Kallas had imagined how relevant her words would prove, and how quickly. 

The USA, a country founded on liberty and on a political system of checks and balances, decided to vote for and give unprecedented governmental power to a man of nefarious background, a narcissist and convicted criminal who has incited to violence against state institutions and whose language is belligerent and uncouth. It may be said to his credit that he does not try to fool the public or to disguise his nature. 

The eyes of all the world have turned toward the US president-elect. What will he do on January 20, 2025, when the reins of power are passed to his hands? But I prefer to leave Donald Trump aside. Too many people, the world over, will focus on him and will maintain that focus, perhaps with the same intensity and near-obsession that we currently see directed at Benjamin Netanyahu. 

INSTEAD, I turn my attention now to the United Kingdom, also a noble democracy. We customarily think of the UK as one of the world’s major strongholds of democracy, although it is one of the few countries that still maintains and celebrates a somewhat absurd and scandalous royal court bedecked in glittering robes of office. The royal family can enjoy castles, luxury autos, servants, and various ceremonial events, all at the general public’s expense while the National Health Service suffers budgetary distress.

Britain nonetheless has always been considered not merely one of the Western world’s strongholds of democracy but even a source of inspiration for other democracies. The British take pride in possessing no written constitution, meaning no one-document constitution such as most of the world’s nations maintain. Instead, their respect for their constitutional principles is upheld by the force of tradition despite the absence of a written constitution.

Their parliament does not select the prime minister. Their monarch does so (although the monarch will always select the leader of the party supported by the parliament’s majority). Gradually, over the centuries, Britain has indeed successfully combined a pompous and parasitical royal court with a parliamentary democracy that is open to criticism and that encourages popular involvement in national politics. 

But something very bad and worrisome has been happening in the UK since Margaret Thatcher’s impressive 11-year term ended in 1990. 

Britain, one of the symbols of democracy, may be the country that touches off global disappointment with the democratic system, together with Donald Trump or without him. When the public perceives democracy as unsuccessful in the face of fundamental problems, as disappointing in its performance, and as producing poor leaders, a nostalgia for strong leadership develops. 

Between 1990 and today, the UK has known nine prime ministers. Highlights of those years included the visionary leadership of Tony Blair and the difficult personality, especially during the COVID-19 lockdowns, of Boris Johnson. Two women, Theresa May and Liz Truss, also held office as prime minister. 

That adds up to a significant number of prime ministers, arguably too many for a span of just 34 years. Almost all of them, rather than serving out their terms, resigned under internal pressure from their parties, whether Labour or Conservative, and when prime ministers turn over at a dizzying pace, the public’s esteem for that key democratically elected office slips. 

Ramifications for all the world’s democracies

WHY SHOULD we care? Because of the ramifications for all the world’s democracies in our times, already very hard times for democracy in the West. The UK is still considered one of the strongholds of democracy, a beacon of wise and balanced parliamentary rule, based on two major parties and a set procedure for the transfer of power. 

During a vacation in London, I read Good Chaps, an intriguing book by British journalist and author Simon Kuper, which was published this year. The book emphasizes, in some detail, how the British political system is sinking slowly into a morass of corruption. Large donors are dominating the parties’ decision-making, and the principles of honesty and public service are eroding. 

Kuper’s book argues, and it’s hard to disagree, that corruption in politics inevitably paves the way for corruption within the civil service and even the private sector. Moreover, corruption at the heart of government breeds growing disillusionment with the democratic system itself. 

These emerging trends in the UK should concern not only the British people but also the wider world. While it may be assumed that increasing media criticism and rising public awareness will eventually curb these trends, as many around the globe observe, democracy doesn’t simply fall from the sky. It must be nurtured and safeguarded-and today, it faces threats everywhere. 

In July of this year, general elections were held in Britain. The Conservatives were severely defeated, and the Labour Party regained power. The new prime minister is Keir Starmer, the chancellor of the Exchequer is Rachel Reeves, and the portfolios for justice and education went to two impressive women. This new team may create the turning point and stabilize the administration of Britain, but that remains to be seen. 

And here in Israel? Political corruption is gaining strength, all the more so because aggressively setting personal interest above the principles of the country and above the values of honesty and fairness is worse than hedonism and cupidity. Yet in Israel of all places, still enmeshed in a war for survival and facing governmental programs that would weaken the judicial system and would transfer nearly absolute power to the executive, the general public has awakened in readiness to fight for democratic values. 

The year 2025 proclaims that together with the world at large, we Israelis find ourselves in a battle to preserve the values of personal liberty.

The writer was president of the Federation of the Israeli Chambers of Commerce and of the Tel Aviv and Central Israel Chamber of Commerce. He served as a Likud MK between 1984 and 1992 and chaired the Knesset Constitution, Law, and Justice Committee in the 12th Knesset, 1988-1992.