Israeli Right leaders should build relationships with pro-Israel Democrats - opinion

American politics is a pendulum, and for Israeli settlers, that simple truth poses an existential challenge. 

While Donald Trump’s return to the White House has already dramatically shifted US-Israel relations, the settler movement faces a paradox: Its strongest supporter is in power, but its future depends on winning over his opposition. 

While headlines focus on the Israel-Hamas War, the renewed commitment to securing the release of hostages, and the shared determination to dismantle Hamas, one significant yet underreported change has been the Trump administration’s approach to Israeli settlements.

Change was evident on day one. Side by side with key international leaders, such as Argentine President Javier Milei, Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, and Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, settlement leaders were honored guests at Trump’s inauguration. The presence of Yesha Council Chairman Yisrael Gantz and Samaria Regional Council head Yossi Dagan was in stark contrast to the previous administration’s attitude toward Israeli communities in Judea and Samaria.

For Israeli settlers, Trump’s return is a cause for celebration, and history supports their enthusiasm. His first term saw landmark pro-Israel policies, from recognizing Israeli sovereignty in the Golan Heights and Jerusalem to moving the US embassy to the Israeli capital. Most notably for the settlement movement, Trump’s administration recognized the legality of Jewish communities in Judea and Samaria – a major policy reversal from previous US positions.Recent developments reinforce this shift. 

Just before Trump’s return to office, Republican Congresswoman Claudia Tenney launched the Friends of Judea and Samaria Caucus with two primary objectives: First, repealing the Biden administration’s sanctions against Israeli settlers. Secondly, formally implementing an official US policy shift to refer to the territories as “Judea and Samaria” instead of the “West Bank.”

The first objective has already been achieved. Reports suggest that in the weeks following Trump’s election, Biden administration officials sought to impose additional sanctions despite warnings by staffers that the effort was futile and that Trump would rescind them on day one as he did.

The second objective, however, remains unresolved. In a joint press conference with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Trump was asked whether he supported Israeli sovereignty over Judea and Samaria. His response:“We’re discussing that with many of your representatives. People like the idea, but we haven’t taken a position yet. We’ll be making an announcement on that specific topic in the next four weeks.”

This statement has raised alarm bells among Democrats, some of whom fear a redefinition of the territories’ status – or even more sweeping policy changes that contradict their vision for resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

A political pendulum

The Israeli right is currently optimistic. 

While Joe Biden identified as a Zionist and expressed a genuine desire to support Israel, his administration still placed hurdles in Israel’s path. These included military aid restrictions, diplomatic pressure, and direct sanctions. Now, Trump’s return promises a new era. As Secretary of State Marco Rubio described it, this is “the most pro-Israel administration in history.” But the question remains: What happens when the pendulum swings back?

American politics operates in cycles. A Republican in the White House today often means a Democrat will follow in the next term. Under former US president Barack Obama, the administration concluded with a UN Security Council resolution opposing settlements. 

The Biden administration followed a similar trajectory, imposing personal and corporate sanctions on settlers, sometimes directly and at others through diplomatic pressure on allies. Reports indicate that further sanctions were in the pipeline before US Treasury officials intervened, recognizing that they would be swiftly overturned by Trump.The Democratic Party is now at a crossroads. Its shift toward progressive policies, combined with unpopular candidates, played a role in its resounding defeat in the 2024 election.

The Democratic Party will eventually return to power. Rather than seeing this as an insurmountable challenge, settlers must use this moment to reshape bipartisan discourse on settlements. The Israeli settlement movement now faces four years of what could be either quiet stability or major accomplishments. This is not the time for complacency – it is an opportunity.

Despite the differences between the Israeli Right and the American Left, support for Israel within the Democratic Party is not entirely absent. Figures such as former president Joe Biden, who has declared himself a Zionist, House Democratic Leader Hakeem Jeffries, who has emphasized an “ironclad” commitment to Israel’s security, Sen. John Fetterman, who has become an outspoken advocate for Israel since October 7, and Rep. Ritchie Torres, a staunch pro-Israel Democrat, show that bipartisan engagement remains possible.

Bipartisan engagement

To ensure lasting support for settlements, the settler leaders must take concrete steps to build relationships within the Democratic Party. 

This means engaging with pro-Israel Democrats, participating in policy discussions, and demonstrating that settlements are not an obstacle to peace but rather a stabilizing force in the region. 

This could be done by direct outreach to Democratic leaders, engagement with Jewish and moderate Democratic organizations, and even promoting public relations efforts in progressive circles. This may be the hardest thing to do, as part of the gap is ideological, but avoiding key arenas – op-ed columns, college campus panels, and liberal media outlets – will leave the stage solely for anti-settlement, anti-Israel, and even antisemitic voices.

Common ground exists. Shared democratic values – such as religious freedom, economic development, and security cooperation – can demonstrate that supporting settlements aligns with broader Democratic principles. 

If settlements are to be truly secured as a long-term reality, their support in Washington must extend beyond one party. 

The Yesha Council and other settler leaders must act now to cultivate ties with the Democratic Party, laying the groundwork for bipartisan backing of Jewish communities beyond the Green Line.

Leaving these spaces empty only allows anti-settlement voices to dominate the conversation. The ideological gap between the Israeli Right and the American Left is vast. 

However, the upheavals of the past year – both in Israel and the United States  – create a rare opening for engagement. The Democratic Party is undergoing a period of introspection, and even in the post-Biden era, there are figures within the party who still identify as Zionists. 

With the right approach, even some Democrats may come to realize that Israeli settlements are not the obstacle to peace they once believed them to be.

The next four years must be used wisely – not just for celebrating short-term victories, but for securing bipartisan support that will last beyond any single administration. They should be used to build a long-term strategy – one that ensures that support for Jewish communities in Judea and Samaria does not depend on which party controls the White House.

The writer is a former spokesman for Israel’s National Public Diplomacy Directorate.